How Class and Classicism in America Shaped and Defined American Politics and Government Essay

section and physical bodyism is a signifi ratt dilemma in several(prenominal) break offs of the b wholly(a). Classism was initially created by Servius Tullius in i of the six orders that he utilise to divide the Roman pot for taskation purposes. Classism re benefactions a discriminatory attitude ground on the distinctions derived from sparing or loving forkes. Perhaps, the near elusive socio- frugalal and policy-making ills confronting U.S at present is the issue of relegate. The concerns and problems of coterie struggle flash back across the neighborly di man fountainsions of ethnicity, tend, and semi policy-making affiliation, and educational background, subject field and geographic origin. Domhoff, (1977) defined illuminate as the status a chemical multitude, or an individual deliver the goodss by honor of its stinting strength, the male monarch to affect change and the operate of other pert convocations in its community of choice. Therefore, the issues meet seg work chock uptation and sectionalizationism finished hierarchy of prevails and the Have nons, the shout out, myth, and dogma of individualism in U.S, and the organized burdensomeness of subordinate societies seduce brought innumerous changes in the nerve and g all overnance of joined States. Domhoff, (1977) debates that companionable programme is non a unseas matchlessd pheno detain manpowerton. Nor dissever within the policy. Thus, crystalise within the the Statesn association has existed for centuries. Since the beginning of custody, you guide al focuss had the deem a crap and collapse back nots. association of section within the hold to besother States was in existence prior to the entry of the resolution of In awaitence, unite States Constitution and U.S. Federal Bureaucracy. It started when the British Monarchy get up up their disposal and club accessible organisations their colonies.This account will deal and re view how the installation flummoxs existence the slighter subdivision of the fineer theme, which for the purpose of the paper atomic number 18 defined as the govern sieve, were equal to collectively learn and develop cordial and policy-making agendas by collective action, and as a result, disenfranchised the greater members of night club. Furthermore, this paper explores how the incorporated achieve manpowert of Groups Theory (Olson, 1979) helped to modulate the discourse and thoughts of the intro Fathers on tender and governmental ideologies, which in stoop, played a critical role in the creation of the coup take States. Moreover, more importantly, how the basis Fathers ideologies on cast multitude individuals within particular trendes views on their get political affiliations and the join States Govern manpowert.Defining Class in the Statess golf-clubWhen questi sensationd close the needs of the on the job(p) distinguish individuals during 1988 p residential campaign, George Bush insisted that screen was a European thing and that the Ameri whoremongers would never be divided by score. Although the critic, that views America as a preponderant refinement, observes that it is a classless rules of order, more or less Americans recognize that deep class separates and divides them. The structure of class has been interwoven with the culture of the United States and its political dodging for head over two centuries, and has shaped the way in which citizenry view their mastermind in society and constrain their political finalitys. The stellar(a) Fo belows thoughts and ideas puzzle played a large role for this to occur. The mental institution Fathers were the govern class at the date of the when the annunciation of Independence was written, the American Revolution was fought, the characterization of the U.S. Constitution and the development U.S. Federal Bureaucracy. The universal opinion class is defined as a affable class of a inclined society that decides upon and institutes that societys political policy by mandating that thither is unmatchable such particular class in the considern society, and then appointing itself as that class (Domhoff, 1977). Karl Marx in his belles-lettres defined these men as distinguished and the educated who were preponderating in their communities and evokes, and in like manner pro tapnt in realmal affairs (Oliver, 1984). This would rationalize wherefore as a collective group, these men were able to achieve a trustworthy take of success and in turn dominate society. One of the close to prove authenticated correlations in social recognition atomic number 18 the positive correlation amidst socio scotch status and all forms of political and organizational participation (Oliver, 1984). This to a fault formulates wherefore the mental home Fathers suffraged unless to vacate s at present- gabardineness male property take iners the cast igate to vote, whom at the time do up 10 to 16 pct of the nations existence (Rowen, 2014). Their decision to not allow pathetic white men, women, and minorities the right to vote aligns with Olsons Collective Action Theory.As the small group, they make a decision to block a populace right from the majority. Voting in most legal injury would be considered a non-rivalrous public goodish (Olson, 1971). Rosenberg, (2008) writes that in stintings, rivalry is a typical of a good. A good can be taperd on a continuum ranging from rivalrous (rival) to non-rival. The range is found on consumption and the price to produce the good. Since voting like the air was a considered a exemption, they should have quickly decided to make it a non-rivalrous public good. However, by blockage the right to vote from 90 pctage of the great deal in the country the Founding Fathers do it rivalries (Zweig, 2000). Whereas, they placed a embody on voting that owned dry write down.These men may ha ve disagreed and to an extent go about to disassociate their ideologies and regime from the British Monarchy, and their actions and thoughts conveyed a strong similarity. By disenfranchising 90 pct of society, they cast themselves and their peers as the vox populi and dominating class. However, Zweig (2000) observes that in terms of do its with other cultures, this is all they knew. Dr. Morris Massey, head of the psychiatry division at a Texas university, defines this port as You Are What You Were When You Were Then (Massey & Magnetic picture show Corporation, 1976). Masseys theory is that identity is mainly determined by the things that affect brio up to the age of 10. Their conduct and how they made their decisions as a collective group also aligns with Henri Tajfels complaisant individualism Theory that resigns a persons sense of who they atomic number 18 found on their group membership(s). Tajfel, (1979) proposed that the groups (e.g. social class, family, foot ball team, etc.), which people be granded to, was an important source of pride and self-esteem. Groups crack up us a sense of social identity a sense of belong to the social world. Since these men experienced the receive of British Monchary that was entrenched in class for a vast majority of their life, it is passing probable they would create a arrangement that placed individuals within a class. This would explain why these men utilise land as the defining factor. This fork outd them with a as true factor to define a class among all people.You would also wonder how these men could function in such a myopic way as it related to freedom and the rights of others? How could they outwardly rank others in a brass that they so disliked? Their behavior at the time could be attri justed to their socialization. Arnet, (1995) describes socialization as the process in which people acquire the behaviors and beliefs of the social world that argon culture in which they live. Culturally , these men were accustomed to women macrocosm in instrumental roles, minorities being expendd as slaves, and woeful white people being hold servants. Thomas Jefferson stated The appointment of a woman to office is an innovation for which the public is not prepared, nor I (Arnet, 1995). His sentiments at the time were most likely not an anomaly, notwithstanding the norm. These men were socialized to conceive their rights were in a high place others (except for the opinion class of Britan). A similar message was conveyed in James Madisions Federalist 10. Madison observed that the diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an unsurmountable obstacle to a uniformity of sakis (Arnet, 1995). The tribute system of these faculties is the first object of government. From the defendion of unalike and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of contrasting degrees and anatomys of property present(prenominal)ly results and from the work on of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties (Massey, 1976).However, most common and steadfast source of factions has been the mingled and unequal statistical distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are characterors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A arrive interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a golded interest, with many lesser interests, levy up of necessity in civilise nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these heterogeneous and interfere interests forms the principal task of contemporary principle and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government (Massey, 1976). In his writings, Madison is acknowledging and justifying a class system based on assets and wealthinessiness. He is truly comport on his position, in which the government is set-up to protect the owners of property and in turn, their wealth, which is interesting because this is counter opposite to Paines opinion on non-equalizers (family, land, and money) (Massey, 1976).Jefferson and Madisions behavior at the time align with Arnetts definition of narrow socialization. Arnett defines narrow socialization as holding obedience and unison to the highest value and discourage deviation from ethnic expectationsa supercharge, not just with family socialization but by other sources of socialization as well. Based on the behavior of the Founding Fathers they seem more committed to conformity and obedience rather than challenging and absolved thinking surround. The creation of the U.S. Constitution is a perfect example. In creating the U.S. Constitution, the Founders sought to spring the power of t he federal government and to protect (not grant) the natural rights of life, improperness, and the pur sheath of happiness. Their focus and behavior were all based on their medieval experiences with the British Monarchy (Zinn, 2003). In reality, they were rebelling against a system that findled and disenfranchised them, but they went forth in constructing a system that disenfranchised more or less 90 percent of its citizens and empowered 10 percent (based on the voting law). political theory of ClassismKadi, (1996) defined classism as a disfavor or discrimination on the behind of social class. It includes individual attitudes, behaviors, systems of policies, and practices that are set up to wellbeing the velocity class at the expense of the light class. A persons frugal class is neither real bad. It is just a reality. However, what is of interests is how individuals within their class act and playact as it relates to their class standing. Iwith reference to Olsons theo ry of the Founding Fathers, it is apparent(a) their small group over several geezerhood acted to and their interest (Kadi, 996). This has been all the way documented prior to, during, and after the American rotatory War. This was accomplished by strategically defining and casting people within reliable classes, and using the government structure along with political and ethnical strategies to achieve their objectives. This behavior aligns with Olson and his thoughts on the ability of smaller groups to check big groups. And through this manipulation the larger group would bear a disproportional share of the burden (Barrow, 2014). accord to Horowitz (2003), the Founding Fathers of the United States were all the way specifyd by the British Monarchy, and their caste system. Class was a staple part of the British way of life. The British society was divided into three main groups of classes fastness class, center field class, and the lower or on the job(p) class. The upper classes consisted of people with inherited wealth and include most of the oldest families, with many of them being titled aristocrats. The upper classes were defined by their title, but also by their education, and their pastimes which include the traditional sporting life involving hunting, shooting and fishing, as well as a great deal of horse go for both leisure and as a competitive pursuit. The middle classes were the majority of the population and included industrialists, lords, businesspeople and shop owners. And, the working class people were mostly agri cultural, mine and factory workers (Barrow 2014).Because of the British Monarchy role in the biography of the United States, it was a natural evolution for the Founding Fathers to borrow and fuse new and old creations pertaining to class (Daniel Carpenter). This is not to joint that some of the Founding Fathers were not against the supposition of class. Rather, it clearly sidle uped in the writings of Thomas Paine. Thomas Paine published his watchword Rights of Man, in 1791, and stated that all men were equal and any non-equalizer such as money, power, prestige or titles, were wrong. Paine, (1791) felt that governments should gleam social equality however, it was clear in the creation of the U. S. Federal Bureaucracy that the equalizers that Paine and others were against became and placid exists in the United States politics and government.The diverge of Class in Americas HistoryZinn, (2003) asserts that the review of American history appends insights on why the nation is obsessed with wealth and class. The Founding Fathers served as an example for the lower class on how they use their Collective Action as a group to gain benefits and determine over the country. The Founding Fathers clearly knew what they represented to the general public. Therefore, they used their wealth and class to manipulate and gain more power (Zinn, 2003). This manipulation of power was happening prior, during and after the basal war. Zinn in his book History is a ordnance inscribes tha the individual that initially got recruited to the colonial reserves were overall hallmarks of respectability or at least of full citizenship in their communities (Zinn, 2003). However, desperation resulted to recruiting fewer whites that were respectable in the society. agree to Kim and interior(a) Bureau of sparing Research, (2007) the watch of mama and Virginia set upd for drafting strollers (vagrants) into the colonial militia. Indeed, observations by Kim et al. (2007) concludes that the armed services became a place of promise for the powerless and subordinate individuals, which might surface to the rank, get fiscal rewards and alter their social status.The behavior of the Founding Fathers also aligns with cultural hegemony theory that describes the domination of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class, who manipulate the culture of that society, the beliefs, explanations, perceptions, values, and mores, so that their ruling-class worldview becomes the worldview that is obligate and accepted as the cultural norm as the universally valid pre prevalent ideology that justifies the social, political, and economic status quo as natural, inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for e preciseone, rather than as artificial social constructs that benefit only the ruling class (National Archives, 2014). This ability to regard and dupe the working and lower class was not by accident. The imagery of freedom, prospect and wealth is a strong invite that has been used for centuries to induce the scummy into submission. This was clearly the case during the Revolutionary War. Zinn documents a spends response to why he joins the war.I was a Shoemaker, & got my living by my Labor. When this Rebellion came on, I saw some of my Neighbors got into Commission, who were no better than myself. I was very ambitious, & did not like to see those workforce above me. T was asked to plight , as a private Soldier I offered to enlist upon having a Lieutenants Commission which was granted. I imagined myself now in a way of advancement if I was killed in Battle, there would be an end of me, but if any maitre d was killed, I should rise in Rank, & should remedy have a Chance to rise higher. These Sir were the only Motives of my entering into the Service for as to the Dis doe between Great Britain & the Colonies, I know nothing of it , (Zinn, 2003).The question could be asked if this man were an anomaly. However, it is hard to dispute when you have Founding Fathers writing about the drop of commitment and lovemaking from the soldiers. At the time, horse parsley Hamilton was an aide to George Washington when he wrote. . . our countrymen have all the folly of the ass and all the passiveness of the sheep. They are determined not to be free. If we are saved, France and S paroxysm essential save us (Hamilton, 2003).It was obvious the passion and commitment for change were not as authoritative for the poor and underclass. The soldiers were consistently quitting. Founding father John Adams estimated a trine opposed, a third in turn out, a third indifferent. So the nation was not squarely behind the decisions being made by the elite ruling class (Horowitz, 2003). So early in the history of this countrys history the various category/ groups had differing opinions on the perpetrations of the country. One of the slipway that the power owners or the ruling class spoken languageed this issue was interesting, and also shows how the ruling class was committed to cultural hegemony as a collective group. Zinn, (2003) indicates that force conflict, by dominating everything in its time, made individuals discover sides, lessened other issues, and forced people onto the revolution regime whose independence interests were very unclear.Additionally, Zinn believed that the political elites that handles power learned through the generations-consciously or not- that war exits them security against letd trouble (Cone, 1991). This mindset of the Founding Fathers during the revolutionary war is an example of how the Constructivist Theory works. jibe to him, the Constructivist Theory deliver the goodss that the mechanism of learning is an busy process characterized by the creation of substance from diverse familiarities (Cone, 1991). Through their early experience with the war, it was clear that all of the white men were not functioning as a collective group. As the Collective Action Theory states, some individuals will attendant an initiative, some will sit on the fence, and some will not put up it all. And, through rethinking how to get the non-participants involved through constructivist thinking the Founding Fathers begin to utilise new tactics, such as force of serving in the military.Through military force preparation, power owners of the high class show a procedure of pushing neutral people into the periphery. For instance, i n Connecticut, Cone (1991) observes, a law was passed that required military swear out of all males between xvi and sixty. This he reports omitted certain Yale students and faculty, Negroes, government officials, Indians, ministers, and mulattos. Therefore, when an individual was put on duty, he or she could provide a substitute or get fined 5 pounds to abscond the duty. Consequently, when a fit of eighteen men failed to report to military duty, they got jailed. However, they could only be released after pledging to fighting in the war. Perhaps what appeared like military force democratization in modern times shows up as a completely different issue (Cone, 1991). That is, an onward motion of forcing massive defiant individuals to associate themselves with the national cause, and finally believe in it.The Constitutionalization and Classism in AmericaJensen, (2012) writes that during the United States Bicentennial Constitution, it is accurate to argue on the political and economi c wiseness of the United States Founding Fathers. Historically, there is no piece of music in the world that open successful and durable economic republic than the United States. However, economy is presented in the political inclinations, and the enormous success of the economy of the United States was independent of the political system. Indeed, the current economic issues in the United States might as a result of the failure of the political wisdom to follow the guides of the founding fathers based on the concept of class. Jensen, (2012) further elaborates that the American Founding Fathers authentic the geological formation in order to serve the economic interest of a specific class of individuals, which are the capitalists. According to him, the Constitution documented by the founding fathers was based on the concept of class as it saved the economic rights of the capitalists. Multiple aspects of the opus mention aspects of economic and financial matters that were put i n place to secure economic functioning that would benefit the investors (Jensen, 2012).Furthermore, the Founding Fathers wrote the Constitution to provide a favorable national economic surround in which businesses could thrive. To counter this, a aboriginal authority, the United States Congress, were authorized to control the outside(prenominal) commerce and interstate, the coinage of money, federal tax collection, patents and copyrights and the defense of states. Besides, the constitution supported sanctitude of contracts, property rights and the due process of law. Illustratively, the despotic Court decisions, for instance, Dartmouth v. Woodward (1819) provided that the judiciary supported a business friendly environment (Jensen, 2012). Although the United States Constitution assisted in mitigation the concern of the business majority, it did not provide complete economic issues of the United States. Therefore, a national monetary system was founded to control the issues of d ebts. As such, the capitalists were provided with a favorable environment for conducting business that developed power over the subordinate society.In the modern society, Bishaw and Semega (2008) observes, the political campaigns provide a significant problem of financial resources. The technological changes have demanded that the politicians raise divide and lots of money. Not surprisingly, Young (2000) further writes that a system that heavily relies on financial contributions has tilted towards organizations and individuals that can give big. As such, the politicians get linked to the tight individuals or the capitalists in the society to provide financial sponsorship of their candidature. In turn, the politicians pass bills and laws that suit the interest of the few soaked dignitaries in the American society. Indeed, politics in U.S has followed the footsteps of the constitution that protects the economic rights of few high-class individuals in the society that in turn blood politicians. As such, class in the American society continues to emerge with discrimination discernable in the political interests and representations (Young, 2000). The issue of class has made America a nation where politicians serve the interest of the capitalist that forms the nonage of the population hence ignoring 90 percent of the electorate. Furthermore, Arcs and Zimmerman, (2008) indicates that excessive reliance on the electorate system on financial capital also determines what kind of interests gets hear and what kind of policies are passed. Classism according to Arcs et al. (2008) appears to control politics in America with the capitalists funding politicians. Therefore, as money controls politics, the low social class hardly influences politics by voting or contacting their legislators that later amplifies the capitalist influences. Domhoff, (1977) highlights that the Commerce clause of the Supreme Court provides opinion reflecting an apparent effort to modernize and rationalize the uninflected framework for delineating the implied constraints imposed by the state legislation. According to him, the constitution articulated a set of coherent criteria autocratic the hardiness of the state taxes on interstate commerce. Furthermore, the constitution discarded inconsistent doctrine with the set standards. In the context of state regulation, the constitution enunciated meaningful decisional principles governing commerce. According to the US Constitution, the commerce clause is a power granted by Congress, but not an express limitation on the states power to regulate the economy. However, the wealthy individuals often have the final say in the tax revenue policies that favors their business interests (Domhoff, 1977). As such, classism has made the wealthy individuals get heard in making policies such as taxation policies that altogether re-shapes the system and politics of America. Therefore, the constitutional wisdom of the Founding Fathers is p resent today, and it has promoted classism that in turn affects the politics and governance in America.Class Today in AmericaThe primary institutionalization basis of classism is the economic system, gigabit and Kahl (1993) indicates. Capitalism, Gilbert, and colleague, observes get structured based on classes that in turn influence the politics and governance of America. According to Gilbert et al. (1993), the three key institutions, that generate classes, are hierarchical organizations, private ownership, and capitalist division of labor. These institutions produce class-based systems of political dominion and command between the managers and the managed, the owners and those who do not own, and the professionals and these without professional credentials. Thus, the political dominion by these dominant groups means that the politicians must serve their economic interest in order to achieve their financial support. The economic production of the dominant groups requires government policies that emphasize on security and good governance to enable them produce their modes of production and distribution. spry forward 239 long time, and Americans are muted grappling with class as it relates to all areas of society. It is nonoperational a challenge to address and discuss class as it relates to government, politics, and race within the country. This challenge can partially be laid at the hands of the Founding Fathers. Through cultural hegemony, they manipulated society to believe that all citizens were created equally and had a voice in the decisions being made within government (Gilbert and Kahl, 1993). But, within the resembling space they systematically defined what voices mattered by only allowing landowners the right to vote. This simplistic remove set forth and defined the influence of class in the terms of money, assets, and influence. This also sets up the environment of social elimination. Social exclusion, according to Hess (2006), is the process w here individuals or a community are systematically partially or fully blocked from various opportunities, rights, and resources customarily available to the society, and which is fundamental to social integration within that specific group (Hess, 2006). By excluding poor white men from voting, they intentionally manipulated the government structure to support their desires and interests at the cost of the 90 percent. Fast forward well over 239 years later, we have a new ordure with protests being conducted across the country about the 1 percent ruling class (Paine, 1999). In direct approach, the phrase refers to income and wealth concentration among the top earning representing 1 percent and as well as a reflection of an opinion that 99 percent are paying heavily for the mistakes of a small minority within the upper class (Paine, 1999).Some may argue and reason that the law for non-votes was in existence for less than 60 years, and by 1850 allowed all white males were given the ri ght to vote. However, scholars still questions on the number of generations that got clashed by the decision. second it raises concerns about the influences it has in the current American society. Undeniably, Rowen, (2014) indicates that the United States of America is the world oldest and most esteemed democracy. However, the impacts of class according to him, in the society have led to pervasive and serious problems in its politics and government.The concept of classism, Rowen (2014) writes, has for the last half century promoted gross out among the Americans. Classism has reduced the trust of the public in the political institutions, elected officials, and increasingly sightly indifferent to democratic participation. Classism in America has reduced the levels of civic engagement and trust in government. David et al. (2009) highlights that activity such as voting, working on campaigns, contacting elected officials that depend upon democracy has significantly reduced over the p ast two generations. By virtue of class, the elected officials are considered a instance of few individuals rather than the electorate. Most Americans believe that politicians lie and pander to serve their political interests and that of the rich individuals or the high class (David & Weimer, 2009).The Generational Impact of Social forcing out Based on ClassResearch shows that social exclusion creates a host of long long-wearing issues and challenges to the individuals or groups that have been excluded. This is clearly evident with the recent 99 percent protesters. This long lasting impact is clearly seen in the actions of the Founding Fathers. One of the biggest issues that helped to launch the American Revolution was the argument about taxation without representation (Young, 2000). Of course, the group with the biggest argument was the Founding Fathers. Most of these men were wealthy, upper middle class, and the educated. With all their wealth and education they still had to co ntend with a society that particular their social mobility were woven into the fabric of the state, which meant they were excluded from the higher echelons of politics and government (Rosenberg, 2008). This exclusion had to be a constant reminder to these men that in reality, they had no voice. Anytime group is excluded from a process it is oppression, and oppression of any kind creates repercussions for all.Research by glad Marion Young documents that there are five faces of oppression exploitation, violence, powerlessness, marginalization, and cultural imperialism (Young, 2000). Reading from the concept of the Founding Fathers of America, most likely, they felt powerless, marginalized, and culturally imperialized. By having to pay taxes, and no say in the direction of the government, and the lack representation would surely tactility on several types of oppression that Iris Young has identified. Likewise, reports from media titled Classism Does NOT Go Both ways (2014) provides that that that people and groups who have experienced social exclusion attempt to reconnect at some point. This reconnection can take the form of (a) ingratiating social behavior, (b) tutelage toward and sensitivity to social cues, and (c) the activation, exaggeration, and even the founding of perceived relationships to important individuals or groups. It is significant to acknowledge and remember this point since it relates to classicalism among white males in the United States.After the revolution, it is clear that the Founding Fathers pick out some of the like thoughts and ideas of their perceived oppressors in how they viewed and treated poor whites. Data shows that poor White males were in a challenging dapple. Their plight could almost be compared to minority males over the centuries in the United States. Thomas, (2014) writes about the national situation in the post-war mid-1780s. He further documents that the merchants and coastal wholesalers made several efforts to re -establish large-scale concern with the Great Britain. However, the British merchants ceased from offering credit and instead demanded cash (specie). As a result, the wholesale traders insisted on the use of hard money from shopkeepers. Likewise, the shopkeepers saw it wise that the farmers repay their loans in cash with immediate effect (Thomas, 2014). The American farmers had previously been used for loan settling for goods, crops, and labor. Unexpectedly, farmers were matched into debtor courts leading to the seizure of their properties such as land and goods when they couldnt pay or get confined for unpaid debts. For instance, Thomas (2014) provides that in the farming community of Hampshire County Massachusetts from 1784 to 1786 32.4 percent of the countys men over sixteen were hauled into court, and many were thrown into jail. The conditions of the jail were deplorable. Prisoners were stockpiled into one cell and were held without proper food, ventilation, many got fed up(p) and some died.The Founding Fathers in a quick turn of circumstances went from being the oppressed to the oppressor by determining and controlling who could vote. In turn, poor white men, who fought for liberty to pursue freedom, were given limited freedom. It seems this one historical fact, has been overlooked. The studies that address or discuss the effects of social exclusion of poor white people are significant because it explains the cultural beliefs and ideas as it relates to poor white people in rural and southern areas in the United States (Zweig, 2000). This would also explain how poor whites tend to identify collectively with political referendum that doesnt support their own economic plight. According to Zweig, (2000), the observations of Molden and Mane that discusses the impacts of social exclusion that makes the excluded find ways to keep in line themselves with their oppressor along with paying close aid to social clues and, the creation of an exaggerated connectio n. This is clearly the case with poor whites as a collective group.The ruling class has established certain symbolic meanings for being an American, and by following those meanings, you are closely adjust with them. Cone, (1991) writes that from saluting the flag, singing the national anthem, prayers in school, and so forth, the ruling class has established certain social norms that most poor whites can identify and follow. Besides setting up symbolic meanings, the early ruling class defined and created a structure to provide privilege to those they deemed worthy. This was successfully done through government, organizations, and social settings. This aligns with MSS research in which they highlight that the rights and privileges are supported and defined through rules, laws, individual strength and conventions. According to the research, rules and laws are political power instruments the government and politically affluent uses to determine the social structure (Cone, 1991). For in stance, gift properties and selling rights that support the privileges of the property-owning class. Furthermore, conventions and customs provides social determinants of structure, for example, Cone (1991) provides that the privilege on the basis of religion, caste, or economic class, face-to-faceity strength and individual capacity, he observes, are also elements that defines social privilege, for instance, the rights accumulating to the wisest most skillful, strongest, or most courageous personalities. According to the research, these rules, conventions, laws, and customs, which support and define privileges and rights of power owners, besides, preserve the denial of rights to the section of the community that is underclass(prenominal) or unprivileged. As such, the structure developed by the political affluent to bring up societal development based on greater functional efficiency, also acts as a barrier that positively eliminates a part of the society from benefiting from the accruing development (Cone, 1991).ConclusionClass affects people from emotional, economic, political, and social level. The attitude of the classists has caused great pain in American politics and governance by dividing the subordinate group members from one another as well as suppressing individual means for personal fulfillment. The impact of class that has resulted in the usual level of collusion between the dominant group members and the subordinate group member has led to means of survival by gaining nark to the resources retained by the dominant group. Indeed, class is more than just economics and social dynamics of classism. The patterns of behavior and thinking of classists at personal level promotes classism that results into politics of expedience and that of the wealthy individuals. While the founding fathers believed that economic and political freedom are couple on pillars of democracy, it has promoted a high degree of classism in America. This has led to politics o f oppression and personal gains.The founding father of the United States adopted the first written constitution that protected the economy of the country by protect businesses, personal property, rights of speech and authorizing the Congress to control the commerce of the country. While their contribution cannot be ignored nor disputed, it led to elements of classism that continues to influence the politics and governance of America. In a nutshell, the freedom of classism requires a reversing conditioning process through healing of the class and political oppression wounds, reclaiming the past and present class experiences and kind present classism to enable the country shape its political identities and foster positive relationships and viscidity among the Americans.ReferencesAlvez, J., Duarte, S., & Timney, M. (2008). Human rights theory as a means for incorporating social equity into the public administration curriculum. ledger Of Public personal business Education, 14(1), 51 66.Arnett, J. (1995).Broad and Narrow Socialization The Family in the Context of a Cultural Theory. Journal of Marriage and the Family , 57 ( 3 ) , , 617 628Barrow, M. (December, 2014). 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